Trump and the Obsession with Strongmen. 

Donald Trump has, since the beginning of his political career, depicted himself as a hero; the archetypal “strongman” who stands above the ordinary and fights the corrupt. His political survival, as well as personal brand, thrives on the image of heroism, though, not in public service but more in self interest. It is no coincidence that Trump frequently heaps praise on people he believes to be the strongmen of today. That being figures like Hungarian president Viktor Orbán, Chinese leader Xi Jinping and North Korean dictator Kim Jong-un, who embody the ruthless leadership Trump dreams of, unchallenged and untouchable. 

When Trump took office in January 2025, he came in with much more confidence and constitutional power than in the first round. Election promises of foreign peacemaking deals, economic prosperity and a definite ending to what he describes as the woke-epidemic, not only won Trump the election but set him up for an impossible task of maintaining the strongman image that he created for himself. An image that ultimately rests on the long-sold premise that his charisma and skills as a businessman are good enough to capture the world’s attention. 

Imagery from Trump’s lavish tour of the Gulf states back in May show grand greetings, military showdowns and opulent state dinners hosted by princes and monarchs. The visit marks “A new dawn in the US’ partnership with the Gulf,” Jasmine El-Gamal, a Middle East analyst, told CNN’s Becky Anderson. By exploiting the constitutional freedom to dictate foreign policy, Trump embraces non-democratic regimes and trivializes the partnerships as successful business deals made for his country. Contributing to the image of him as a successful businessman and ultimately a strongman, however at the expense of the democratic and American values, he claims to defend. The same can be said about his relationship with Hungary’s president Viktor Orbán, who Trump in the last 6 months repeatedly has praised for his strength and decisiveness. Qualities that manifest in the repression of the Hungarian people and the deprivation of democratic rights. The admiration between the two leaders can be described as reciprocal, yet it is important to note that Trump is particularly receptive to flattery. A few weeks into his second term, Orbán tweeted “Strong men make peace, weak men make war- Today@realDonaldTrump stood bravely for peace,” which ultimately sealed a place on Trump’s good side. 

Whilst showing considerable admiration for autocratic leaders, he is less respectful towards Western politicians who don’t conform to the Trumpian “strongman paradigm”. For example, he failed to address the president of Japan by his name and instead called him “Mr Japan”, in a FOX interview earlier this year. The same disrespect was evident during his widely publicized sit down with president Zelensky in the White House, where Trump, alongside vice president JD Vance, condescendingly questioned Zelensky for not wearing a suit. Attire that, according to Trump and Vance, represents the modern-day symbol of a strongman. 

However, the irony of today is that the strongmen of the world do not need Trump. Russian president Vladimir Putin as well as other autocrats do not cultivate the same hero complex and, unlike the American president, have no desire to build “buddy like” friendships to flaunt on social media. Consequently, there have been countless examples of Trump overstating his relationship with leaders, and on that basis, promising that groundbreaking deals have been made. Deals that are promoted as revolutionary and attributable to Trump, who claims “only he can do what he does”. The consistent trend however, has been for the deals to quickly fall apart, with Eastern leaders later presenting a different narrative of the terms, one far less favorable to America. In fact, those deals that have indeed gone through, often worked out by Trump rather than by being a skilled negotiator, frequently give into the aggressor. Examples of this pattern include earlier concessions to Russia on security as well as a willingness to ignore human and indigenous rights. These so-called victories may serve the image of Trump as a charismatic deal-maker to the MAGA crowd but internationally, the deals reveal weakness. 

The subtle rejection by the strongmen leaders of Trump presents a new nexus in global politics; one where traditional alliances mean less and in which the balance between West and East becomes increasingly pronounced. The paradigm shift took shape, not least, in September this year during the Shanghai Cooperation summit. A groundbreaking conference where 20 Eastern leaders, including some of Trump’s strongman idols, not only displayed a stronger relationship with each other but above all took a stance against the West in showing that bilateral relationships are not unique to America and its allies. At the summit Putin, Xi Jinping and Indian prime minister Narendra Modi were all photographed shaking hands, with the Chinese president later stating in an interview: “Global governance has reached a new crossroad.”    

The question therefore stands how Trump will deal with being left out of the Strongman club and what club he will join, since he has also turned his back on the Western world to fully embrace this autocratic way of leading. Because ultimately, Trump has built a presidential career on defying institutions, norms and the very alliances that once anchored American power in the world. His political identity thrives on positioning himself as both an insider to populist grievances and an outsider to elite consensus. Yet, in seeking legitimacy among the strongmen, while at the same time estranging himself from European leaders, he risks occupying the precarious space of being too autocratic for democratic allies, yet too unreliable for authoritarian partners. 

Linn Söderlund